Friday, April 10, 2009

Not There Yet...

But even in these positive moves, there is an air of caution surrounding the new government. In September 2008, when the agreement was first signed, Mugabe called upon his party to revive itself so that it could achieve a smashing electoral victory and he would never again have to suffer the "humiliation" of working with Tsvangirai.

In addition, in a report published April 9, 2009 by Celia W. Dugger, President Robert Mugabe's top lieutenants are trying to force the political opposition into granting them amnesty for their past crimes by abducting, detaining and torturing opposition officials and activists, according to senior members of Mr. Mugabe's party.

Mr. Mugabe's generals and politicians have organized campaigns of terror for decades to keep him and his party in power. But now that the opposition has a place in the nation's new government, these strongmen worry that they are suddenly vulnerable to prosecution, especially for crimes committed during last year's election campaign as the world watched. "We wanted to find out if it would be possible to have amnesty dating back to 1980s," the official said. "The M.D.C. did not sound very forthcoming." Indeed, the opposition has so far offered no such assurances. "I'd rather rot in hell than agree to anything like that," said Roy Bennett, the opposition's third-highest ranking official. He was recently released on bail after being held for almost a month on terrorism charges based on testimony from a man whose doctor and lawyer say was tortured and forced into giving a false confession.
Last year, close to 200 people were killed, mostly before the June presidential runoff between Mr. Mugabe and the opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, and thousands were tortured in state-sponsored attacks, but so far no one has been prosecuted, according to a State Department human rights report released in February.

Last year, as it did in the 1980s, Mr. Mugabe's loyalists cut off food aid to hungry areas, blocked access to foreign journalists, sent party youth brigades to terrorize the countryside, charged their rivals with treason and used abduction, torture, arson and killings to silence critics.

Tensions rose after Mr. Tsvangirai's wife, Susan, was killed and he was injured in a March 6 car crash that many of his supporters believe was an assassination attempt. Though Mr. Tsvangirai has called it an accident, his party is conducting its own investigation.
For days afterward, thousands of mourners gathered at the Tsvangirais' home in Harare. In the glow of lights strung across the yard, to the driving beat of drums, party workers swirled in circles, stamping their feet and chanting, "Robert Mugabe killed Susan Tsvangirai," and "Tsvangirai beware! ZANU-PF will finish all M.D.C."

Their fear was as palpable as their rage. Approached for interviews, their eyes darted around as they searched for ruling party spies and begged not to be quoted by name. "They will kill us," one woman said. "They are everywhere."

Furthermore, on April 8, Robert Mugabe once again moved to condone the fresh wave of farm attacks across the country, saying the land reform will continue. Mugabe's comments meanwhile have once again shown a clear divide in the so-called 'unity' government, with the MDC on Thursday calling for an end to the attacks. Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai has previously condemned the land invasions and warned that the perpetrators of the attacks would be arrested. But there has been no further action, mostly due to the fact that police officials and magistrates have been instructed by the Attorney General to support the land offensive. The MDC on Thursday said the invasions "are a threat to the rule of law, to decency, to hope and to economic recovery."

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